Women’s travel differs from that of men in specific ways (Figure 1), including:

• • Mobility of care and trip chaining: Women make shorter trips, with travel characterised by the mobility of care i.e., trips associated with (often unpaid) household and care-related work. Women tend to trip chain, i.e., they combine multiple purposes and destinations in a single journey. These characteristics mean that women may consistently travel during both peak and off-peak hours or travel more in the off-peak hours. Moreover, they frequently travel with dependents- children or the elderly and carry groceries. Women’s travel during off-peak hours of public transport may result in longer waiting times and sometimes necessitate the use of paratransit or other more expensive modes of transport.
  • Forced immobility: Unsafe transport, patriarchal socio-cultural norms may restrict women’s mobility and contribute to forced immobility. Restrictions may be placed on travel times, distances, modes in different socio-cultural contexts.
  • Forced mobility: Conversely, women may be forced to travel due to the unavailability of facilities. The lack of private sanitation facilities compels women in lower income settlements to use community toilets or peripheries of settlements in rural areas, placing themselves at risk of harassment and violence.
  • Women face sexual harassment in public spaces, which can be visual, verbal and physical.
  • Gender minorities experience cissexism and may be denied equal treatment, face sexual harassment and violence on public transport by passengers and service providers alike. Transwomen may not be permitted to occupy seats reserved for women, gender minorities may be refused travel or charged more on paratransit.
  • The transport sector is male dominated. Women constitute less than 20% of the transport workforce globally. Most women and gender minorities employed in the sector are generally in the capacity of support staff for maintenance of facilities. They are poorly represented in management, leadership, frontline workers in passenger and freight transport and as asset owners.

Statistics in India indicate that women walk more than men for work^[1] and are more likely to use paratransit than men. In Pakistan, women are 150% more likely to use paratransit modes like rickshaws and qingqis (motorcycle-rickshaws) than men and when travelling beyond walking distance, they are 30% more likely to use public transport than men^[2]. In Shizuoka, Japan most public transport users are female. Their travel patterns were observed to be more diverse in space and time than that of male passengers^[3]. In Sri Lanka, women who use ride hailing as their primary mode of transport are 40% more likely to use it than men^[4].

Walking and cycling – solutions towards gender responsive mobility systems in Asia

The lack of comfortable, safe and secure infrastructure is a major concern (Figure 2). The overarching and specific gender issues related to walking are i) insufficient, discontinuous and inaccessible pedestrian infrastructure; ii) encroachment by vehicles; iii) no shading; iv) secluded streets; v) blind spots and dark corners which impede visibility; vi) absence of well-maintained and separate toilets; vii) a lack of gender diversity; viii) high vehicle speeds and unsafe pedestrian crossings.

The overarching and specific gender issues related to cycling include the lack of safe cycling infrastructure such as cycling tracks, which provide protection from motor vehicles, continuous surface, street lighting. Additionally, women may not have access to a cycle, know how to cycle and repair it or express greater concerns in cycling alone especially as new users. They may also face harassment while cycling. Public bicycle sharing systems may not consider women’s origin and destinations, shorter travel distances making it more expensive than public transport or paratransit, and the gender gap in digital technology.